학술논문
On the Nature of Edge Feature Movement
이용수 34
- 영문명
- On the Nature of Edge Feature Movement
- 발행기관
- 한국생성문법학회
- 저자명
- Dong-Whee Yang(양동휘)
- 간행물 정보
- 『생성문법연구』제17권 제4호, 535~580쪽, 전체 46쪽
- 주제분류
- 어문학 > 언어학
- 파일형태
- 발행일자
- 2007.11.30
8,320원
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국문 초록
영문 초록
Edge feature movement (EF-movement) is supposed to be pure internal merge (IM), which is solely induced by edge feature (EF) just like pure external merge (EM). Both pure IM and pure EM, which constitute "free Merge", are supposed to come free in natural language (Chomsky 2005). In this paper, in fact, it is shown that EF-movement is solely constrained as well as interpreted by interface conditions, which means that EF-movement is not subject to last resort or crash at narrow syntax but to the extended interface conditions.
It is not necessary or even possible to assume that accounting for various syntactic deviancies entirely depends on syntactic operations like feature checking in narrow syntax; for example, syntactically deviant or "crashed" sentences may receive appropriate interpretations at the interface. In this paper, it is argued that at least EF-movements are licensed in terms of the D-effect interpretation at the interface. In other words, the notion of Agree in narrow syntax should be replaced by the notion of D-effect in terms of the D-effect Condition at the interface for EF-movement. In place of the various minimality conditions for Agree-movements at narrow syntax, the Interpretive Economy Condition is proposed at the interface to constrain the interpretation of derivations by EF-movement. For A-type EF-movements the Case Licensing Condition is proposed at the interface for the generalizations on case that are independent of Agree for the theory of EF-movement. Given the three conditions at the interface, D-effect Condition, Interpretive Economy Condition, and Case Licensing Condition, it is argued that EF-movements are "free-ride movements" in the sense that they are simply induced by free Merge in narrow syntax only to be licensed as well as constrained by the three interface conditions. It is speculated that ultimately not only EF-movements but all movements need to be checked or licensed through Agree or D-effect at the interface, for proper characterization of their interactions with other factors at the interface such as possible interpretations of even "crashed" sentences in terms of linguistic and/or non-linguistic contexts at the interface.
It is not necessary or even possible to assume that accounting for various syntactic deviancies entirely depends on syntactic operations like feature checking in narrow syntax; for example, syntactically deviant or "crashed" sentences may receive appropriate interpretations at the interface. In this paper, it is argued that at least EF-movements are licensed in terms of the D-effect interpretation at the interface. In other words, the notion of Agree in narrow syntax should be replaced by the notion of D-effect in terms of the D-effect Condition at the interface for EF-movement. In place of the various minimality conditions for Agree-movements at narrow syntax, the Interpretive Economy Condition is proposed at the interface to constrain the interpretation of derivations by EF-movement. For A-type EF-movements the Case Licensing Condition is proposed at the interface for the generalizations on case that are independent of Agree for the theory of EF-movement. Given the three conditions at the interface, D-effect Condition, Interpretive Economy Condition, and Case Licensing Condition, it is argued that EF-movements are "free-ride movements" in the sense that they are simply induced by free Merge in narrow syntax only to be licensed as well as constrained by the three interface conditions. It is speculated that ultimately not only EF-movements but all movements need to be checked or licensed through Agree or D-effect at the interface, for proper characterization of their interactions with other factors at the interface such as possible interpretations of even "crashed" sentences in terms of linguistic and/or non-linguistic contexts at the interface.
목차
1. Introduction
2. Property 1: EF
3. Property 2: Lack of Agree
4. Property 3: Optionality
5. Property 4: D-effects
6. Property 5: Lack of Agree-related Movement Constraints
7. Conclusion
8. Implications
References
2. Property 1: EF
3. Property 2: Lack of Agree
4. Property 3: Optionality
5. Property 4: D-effects
6. Property 5: Lack of Agree-related Movement Constraints
7. Conclusion
8. Implications
References
키워드
해당간행물 수록 논문
- Rigid Edges in Syntax - Evidence from vP and VP
- Manzini"s (1992) Locality Revisited
- The EPP as a Non-featural Requirement on Derivation
- Korean Modal V-(u)l swu/li iss/eps and Polarity Licensing
- Two Types of Wh-phrases in Wh-Wh and Wh-QP Interactions
- 생성문법연구 편집위원회 외
- Identification of Parasitic Gaps in Korean
- Deriving Multiple Sluicing in Korean
- On the Intensionality of Korean Possessive Verbal Nouns
- Some Remarks on Korean Nominalizer kes and Information Structure
- On the Nature of Edge Feature Movement
- A Loophole of the EPP-less Movement Analysis
- A Critical Survey of Extrinsic Plurality
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