학술논문
The In-situ Analysis of Why-stripping
이용수 6
- 영문명
- The In-situ Analysis of Why-stripping
- 발행기관
- 한국생성문법학회
- 저자명
- 하승완(Seungwan Ha)
- 간행물 정보
- 『생성문법연구』제32권 제3호, 529~549쪽, 전체 21쪽
- 주제분류
- 인문학 > 언어학
- 파일형태
- 발행일자
- 2022.08.31
5,320원
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국문 초록
영문 초록
In this paper, I argue that why-stripping is better explained under the in-situ analysis of ellipsis. The previous focus-movement approach (Yoshida, Nakao, and Ortega-Santos 2015) demonstrates interesting distributions that differ from other ellipsis phenomena, such as sluicing, fragment answers and stripping, and suggests that why be externally merged to SpecIntP and a focus phrase move to SpecFocP escaping out of TP-deletion. Although the focus-movement analysis covers a good amount of empirical phenomena for why-stripping, I will demonstrate that it still faces both theoretical and empirical challenges, including some focus remnants unable to undergo focus movement, obligatory clausal deletion, and availability of island repair. I propose an alternative analysis, dubbed an in-situ approach, where a focused constituent remains overt in the ellipsis site, but its feature undergoes movement to the left-periphery. I argue that the current approach offers wider coverage of why-stripping phenomena and resolves challenges posed to the previous focus-movement approach.
목차
1. Why-stripping
2. Focus-movement Approach
3. Some Challenges to the Focus-Movement Approach
4. In-situ Approach to Why-stripping
5. Conclusion
References
해당간행물 수록 논문
- The Syntax and Prosody of DOM and PNI in Mongolian
- Ways of Telicization in Chinese Resultative Compounds
- Raising to Subject in Korean - Optionality, Locality and Restrictions
- On Why-like How-questions in Korean
- 영논항의 비엄밀해석
- A Note on IHRCs: Restrictives vs. Non-Restrictives
- The In-situ Analysis of Why-stripping
- On V-stranding Negative Replies with an Implicit Conjunction in English
- Answering and Reacting with Yes and No to Complex Questions
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