Remarks on Richards (2010)

• 발행기관: 한국생성문법학회
• 저자명: Rhanghyeyun Kim
• 간행물 정보: 『생성문법연구』제21권 제2호, 237~253쪽, 전체 17쪽
• 주제분류: 인문학 > 언어학
• 파일형태: PDF
• 발행일자: 2011.05.30

영문 초록

There are a number of phenomena in languages that prohibit multiple elements of the ‘same type’ that are ‘too close together’. To explain these phenomena, Richards (2010) proposes the general principle of Distinctness. Although this principle nicely captures the facts in English multiple sluicing, the multiple remnants in Japanese sluicing remain to be explained. Thus, Richards (2010) suggests to parameterize the functional features available before linearization to capture the variation between English and Japanese. However, despite his principle and parameter, the multiple Case constructions in Korean/Japanese still pose problems to Richards (2010). I have shown in this paper that Richards need to parameterize the functional category set for nominals to capture the whole data in Korean/ Japanese. Specifically, I have suggested that the variation between English and these languages can be captured under the hypothesis that nominals in these languages are NPs rather than DPs and that the variation between Korean and Japanese can be captured by assuming that Accusative nominals in Korean can choose not to project K(ase)P over NP, while they always project KP in Japanese, resulting in the Double-o constraint effect.

목차

1. The Principle of Distinctness

2. The Multiple DP Remnants in Sluicing: Case and Animacy Features as Distinct Features for Korean/Japanese DPs

3. Multiple Nominative Constructions: Korean/ Japanese Nominals Are NPs

4. Multiple Accusative Constructions in Korean vs. the Double-o Constraint in Japanese

5. Summary and Conclusion

References

키워드

Distinctness multiple sluicing multiple Case parameter nominal functional category