Reanalysis of Locality and Optional Movement in the Survive Framework

• 발행기관: 한국생성문법학회
• 저자명: Yanghee Shim Joo
• 간행물 정보: 『생성문법연구』제21권 제2호, 215~236쪽, 전체 22쪽
• 주제분류: 인문학 > 언어학
• 파일형태: PDF
• 발행일자: 2011.05.30

영문 초록

This paper accounts for the locality in Korean language and the nature of optional movement in the Survive framework of minimalist syntax (Stroik 2009). I show how a Merge and Remerge analysis, induced by bottom‐up repelling processes, can explain the diverse forms of Whconstructions and scrambling in Korean, and how it sheds valuable light on our understanding of optional movements. Optional movement has properties very different from the last-resort type. In accordance with Stroik and Yang(2009), I support a non- representational /nondeterministic derivational theory by showing further evidence from Korean scrambling and Wh‐constructions. I suggest interpreting the Survive principle as the syntactic instance of a more general push‐up mechanism that is responsible for inducing optional movements in general. I also propose a bottom‐up structure‐building Merge operation called “The Extended Survive Principle (ESP).” I postulate in line with Miyagawa (2010) that optional movement processes are not Agree-free nor Merge-free processes and argue that optional movement also requires feature-checking processes like obligatory movement. In this paper, I manipulate optionality in movement not in terms of optional versus obligatory Internal Merge but in terms of the “determination” of Remerge processes under the Survive framework, which employs a bottom-up repelling mechanism.

목차

1. Preface

2. Problems of Locality in Minimalist Syntax (Chomsky 1995)

3. Advantages of a Non-deterministic Derivational Theory of Movement

4. Reanalysis of Optional Locality with a Bottom-up Repelling Mechanism

5. Conclusion

References

키워드

Survive principle non-deterministic derivation optional movement scrambling wh-movement Merge Remerge