자질 이동과 자질 일치:

• 발행기관: 현대문법학회
• 저자명: 박승혁
• 간행물 정보: 『현대문법연구』제33호, 79~97쪽, 전체 19쪽
• 주제분류: 어문학 > 영어와문학
• 파일형태: PDF
• 발행일자: 2003.09.01

영문 초록

Chomsky (2000) proposes that the operation Attract-F of Chomsky (1995) be replaced by the operation Agree, in which there is, in principle, no movement at all. In the Agree theory, agreement between a Probe P and its Goal G can lead to feature checking in situ. Lasnik (2002), however, argues that feature movement (or attract) is to be preferred to agreement at a distance, presenting three pieces of evidence: pseudo-gapping, sluicing, and remnant movement. The purpose of this article is to show that the agreement-at-a-distance theory of Chomsky (2000) can still be maintained if we adopt Pesetsky and Torrego s (2001) conception of the EPP property as a “subfeature of a feature.” Furthermore, if we assume Boeckx and Stjepanović s (2001) claim that head movement is a PF phenomenon, the persuasiveness of Lasnik s (2002) argument becomes even weaker. Following Chomsky s (2001b) assumption that internal Merge can apply either before or after Spell-Out, I have demonstrated that even the remnant movement phenomenon, the most powerful piece of evidence for Lasnik s (2002) argument, can naturally be accounted for with the feature checking in situ of the Agree theory.

목차

1. 서 론

2. 이동 점검대 제자리 점검

3. 제자리 점검의 가능성

4. 결 론

키워드

Attract-F Agree feature checking strong feature head movement