화자부인(話者否認)자질과 가부정(假否定)간의 국소성관계에 대하여

• 영문명: On a Locality Relation between the Feature [Ds] and nNEG
• 발행기관: 한국생성문법학회
• 저자명: 최현숙(Choe Hyon Sook)
• 간행물 정보: 『생성문법연구』제25권 제4호, 887~903쪽, 전체 17쪽
• 주제분류: 인문학 > 언어학
• 파일형태: PDF
• 발행일자: 2015.11.30

영문 초록

Choe (2015a) suggests that while the negative marker -ci {an-h/ani-ha}- or an(i) can make a clause negative, it can also make a clause non-negative when the sentence-ending marker (= X) bears a lexical feature [Ds] (=[Speaker's Denial]), whose function is to deny the value of the feature [negative] of the negative marker. In Choe 2015a, when the negative marker loses the value of the feature [negative] that it has, it is called nNEG, while it does not, it is called NEG. In this paper, assuming the suggestion in Choe 2015a, I suggest the following: First, nNEG and NEG are lexically different (see also D-S. Kim 1981), and nNEG is defective in that its feature value should be denied by the feature [Ds] in order for it to be properly licensed. Second, X[Ds] can license nNEG across T and/or will, but not across (i) nNEG/NEG or focus markers such as "-to('even')" and "-(n)un" (contrastive focus marker), or (ii) aspectual elements or modal elements other than will (-keyss- or -(u)l-). The second suggestion implies that the licensing relation between X[Ds] and nNEG should be local in a certain sense, and as for the reason why the relation should be local, I suggest/speculate that the locality relation is derived because of the following reason: In Korean obeying the head movement constraint (the HMC), nNEG (a head) should move to the element with the feature [Ds] (i.e. X[Ds]) to be properly licensed, just as the nNEG element (= n't) in English should move to C via head movement.

목차

Abstract

1. 서론

2. 가설 (8b)의 경험적 증거들

3. nNEG와 X[Ds]간의 국소성 관계

4. 요약 및 제안

참고문헌

키워드

the feature [Speaker's Denial] NEG nNEG T-to-C head movement sentence-ending marker the HMC