제시어에 대한 내포성분 이동(SubMove) 분석의 문제

• 발행기관: 한국생성문법학회
• 저자명: 홍용철
• 간행물 정보: 『생성문법연구』제21권 제4호, 537~562쪽, 전체 26쪽
• 주제분류: 인문학 > 언어학
• 파일형태: PDF
• 발행일자: 2011.11.30

영문 초록

There are two incompatible analyses concerning the original position of sentence-initial non-Case-marked NPs (henceforth, NCNP), which are referred to as ‘ceysie’ by the traditional Korean gran1mar: base-generation analysis (김영희 1989, Ahn 1999, 홍용철 2004) and SubMove analysis (Ahn & Cho 2006). The former claims that NCNPs are base-generated in the sentence-initial position, while according to the latter, they are derived by SubMove, a special case of movement. SubMove analysis is essentially based on two assumptions: (ⅰ) an NCNP originates in a doubling structure whose head position is functional and occupied by an (overt/covert) pronoun resuming the NCNP; (ⅱ) it lacks a theta role within the doubling structure, and then, always moves to the sentence-initial position to get a theta role. This paper provides three types of problematic examples related to these assumptions: examples where the stranded element resuming the NCNP is a lexical phrase, examples where the stranded element is overt and the NCNP remains in situ, and examples where the NCNP does not have any original position in the following clause. The first type is counter-examples to the doubling structure that Ahn & Cho posits for NCNPs, the second type to the obligatory movement of NCNPs, and the third type not only to the doubling structure but also to the obligatory movement. The third type also provides an argument in favor of base-generation analysis.

목차

1. 서론

2. Ahn & Cho (2006)

3. 잔여 요소의 범주 신분

4. 제시어의 이동

5. 결론

참고문헌

키워드

sentence-initial non-Case-marked NP (NCNP) pronoun res wrung an NCNP base-generation of NCNPs SubMove doubling structure