한국에서의 평화적인 정권교체 저해요인에 관한 연구

• 발행기관: 조선대학교 법학연구원
• 저자명: 金永煥
• 간행물 정보: 『법학논총』제3권, 291~332쪽, 전체 42쪽
• 주제분류: 법학 > 법학
• 파일형태: PDF
• 발행일자: 1997.06.30

영문 초록

On ]uly 7 1996, our government announced that we had achieved another inspiring achievement following our administration to the Security Council of the United Naliüns. This was latest achievement our joining in the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development We were admitted to the organization after the admittance of Mexico in 1994 and Czecho, Hungary and Poland in 1995. Our country was ranked 11th GNP and 12th in Trade in 1995. Among Asian countries, we have a rather high GNP, behind only ]apan and Taiwan. According to the report of IMD, out of 48 countries examined, Korea ranked 24th. Such numeral figures as above suggest that the international status of Korea has resulted in a rise in the standard of living of the Korean people. However, the problems of politics, social affairs, environment, the relationship between employer and employee and traffic order system seem to be lagging behind, which is very deplorable. Especially, the stagnation of our political is at the level of underdeveloped countries. Though half a century has passed since the division of our country, we are still engaged in a cold war between the South and the North and still unable to achieve reunification. Moreover, we have never carried out a peaceful change of power and political power dominated by specific regions and cliques. As a result of this the conflict among regions is still peaked and public opinions is divided In light of these conditions, 1 have focused on how to realize political reality which is well - balanced with econornic development and have tried to analyze and portray the reason that Korea has failed in its peaceful change of power, centering on the situation before and after the presidential election, and the strategic perspective of the ruling party.

목차

Ⅰ. 序論

Ⅱ. 초대 李大統領 당선과 제 2.3.4대 大統領選擧

Ⅲ. 張勉 내각구성과 군사정권하에서의 大統領選擧

Ⅳ. 全斗煥제 11대 대통령 취임과 87 大統領選擧

Ⅴ. 92 地域大選와 정권교체 저해요인

Ⅵ. 結論