Notes on Argument Ellipsis in Korean and Hebrew: A Reply to Landau (2022)

• 영문명: Notes on Argument Ellipsis in Korean and Hebrew: A Reply to Landau (2022)
• 발행기관: 한국생성문법학회
• 저자명: 안희돈(Hee-Don Ahn) 조성은(Sungeun Cho)
• 간행물 정보: 『생성문법연구』제34권 제1호, 53~73쪽, 전체 21쪽
• 주제분류: 인문학 > 언어학
• 파일형태: PDF
• 발행일자: 2024.02.28

영문 초록

Landau (2022) focuses on the distribution of argument ellipsis in Hebrew. He suggests that argument ellipsis sites contain a pro element and that the pro element is replaced by a constituent recoverable from the antecedent after spell-out but prior to LF. Landau (2022) claims that the derivational replacement of pro accounts for overt sub-extraction in Hebrew. Landau's (2022) argument notes that ellipsis-resisting elements in Korean and Hebrew seem to pattern alike. This squib examines whether Landau’s derivational pro replacement analysis can account for argument ellipsis phenomena in Korean. Despite many similarities between Korean and Hebrew in relation to argument ellipsis phenomena, parallel behavior between null arguments and overt pronouns is observed only in Korean. Furthermore, the impossibility of sub-extraction from a null CP leads us to conclude that Landau’s (2022) pro-replacement analysis cannot be extended to argument ellipsis phenomena in Korean. We further discuss the (un)availability of a mixed reading in clausal argument ellipsis phenomena in Korean. Following Hoji (2003) and Kasai (2014), we suggest that the unavailability of mixed reading in clausal argument ellipsis phenomena in Korean is non-trivial evidence supporting the claim that argument ellipsis phenomena in Korean may not involve an internal structure.

목차

1. Introduction

2. Differences between Null Arguments in Korean and Hebrew

3. A Close Look at Scope Interpretation

4. Further Implication: Null CPs

5. Concluding Remarks

References

키워드

argument ellipsis pro replacement clausal ellipsis mixed reading surface anaphora deep anaphora