Anti-PCC Effects in Korean Double Relative Constructions and Their Implications

• 발행기관: 한국생성문법학회
• 저자명: Jeong-Me Yoon
• 간행물 정보: 『생성문법연구』제29권 제4호, 611~643쪽, 전체 33쪽
• 주제분류: 인문학 > 언어학
• 파일형태: PDF
• 발행일자: 2019.11.30

영문 초록

Double relativization is possible in Korean, and it has been often studied with respect to the problem it poses to Island Constraints. In this paper, I examine double relativization in Korean from a different perspective, i.e., in terms of the Path Containment Condition (Pesetsky 1982), and discuss its implications. Based on the descriptive generalizations about double relativization possibilities of different grammatical functions in Korean, I show that paths in double relative constructions in Korean are generally crossed, i.e., they show Anti-PCC effects (Richards 1997). Granting that the (Anti-)PCC holds for paths formed by A’-movement, one implication of Anti-PCC effects in Korean DRCs is that they provide an argument for the standard movement analysis over the others such as the non-movement approach. The movement analysis, however, is left with the problem of dealing with CNPC violations as well as some counterexamples to the Anti-PCC, and the remainder of the paper is devoted to exploring possible solutions for them.

목차

1. Introduction

2. Conditions on Path Configuration and Double Relativization

3. Anti-PCC Effects in Korean DRCs

4. Anti-PCC Effects in Other Analyses of DRCs in Korean

5. Remaining Problems and the Nature of Locality Constraints

6. Conclusion

키워드

double relativization Complex NP Island Constraint violation (anti-)Path Containment Condition